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Election '84: Pursuing An Entrepreneurial Agenda

 

Are you better off now than you were four years ago? Don't smirk. The Trivial Pursuit phenomenon (see "Big Game," page 101) not withstanding, this must be the single most pervasive question of 1984. And the answer, unfortunately can't be found on the back of a card. But answer it you will -- we all will -- come November 6.

In the meantime -- who knows? -- maybe it helps to Trivialize the question. Supporters of President Reagan, for example, could break it down into three of the game's categories: Science & Nature (Do those giant deficits boost or threaten the recovery?); Arts & Literature (Is Jerry Falwell our idea of an important social visionary?); and Geography (How close is Grenada to El Salvador?). Mondalites hunkered over the same table might look for answers elsewhere: History (Has a Democrat ever cut inflation?); Sports & Leisure (Are the Japanese on their way to beating us at baseball, too?); and Entertainment (How come the Great Communicator makes everybody feel better -- whether or not he or she is?).

Oh, well. Put away the die and get serious. Is 1984 significantly better than 1980? Probably. Is that because of, despite, or unrelated to the policies of the Reagan Administration? Hard call. Does Reagan vs. Mondale offer a clear choice for the entrepreneurial agenda of the '80s? Yes, but it is not clear what.

One thing, however, is clear: A new generation of leadership is charging up Capitol Hill with the fresh perspective of baby boomers everywhere. Political children of the '6Os and '70s, they come to government unencumbered by assumptions that big business or big labor is the last, best hope of the free enterprise system. The focus of Joel Kotkin's election essay (see "The Making of the President: 1988," page 68), a handful of these legislators joined us in Washington last June for a special INC. Congressional Roundtable on small-company issues and Election '84.

Participating in the luncheon discussion were four House members. The two Democrats were Charles E. Schumer of New York, co-sponsor of the National Entrepreneurship Act; and Parren J. Mitchell of Maryland, chairman of the Small Business Committee. Republicans Ed Zschau of California, former president of the American Electronics Association; and Jack Kemp of New York, onetime Buffalo Bills quarterback and much-touted entrant in the 1988 Presidential sweepstakes, were also present, as was Bill Nourse, political activist (Republican-turned-Democrat) and owner of a hardware supply company in West Nashville, Tenn. Sitting in on behalf of the magazine were, in addition to myself, senior writers Tom Richman and Joseph P. Kahn.

Although both sides of the congressional aisle were ably represented, party lines proved to be not all that meaningful. Zschau and Kemp, for example, split sharply over the issue of the federal deficit and how (or even if) to attack it; Nourse and Schumer took profoundly different stances on the issue of legislative leadership versus following the dictates of a political constituency. Zschau and Schumer, on the other hand, agreed that government sensitivity to smaller companies had declined since 1980. Nourse complained loudly about Reagan's appointment of Martha Seger, a Republican banker, to a Federal Reserve Board slot designated by the Senate for a private-sector player, possibly a small businessperson ("Her credentials are absolutely bad. It's this kind of insensitivity on the part of Republicans that rattles us. ). Kemp downplayed its significance. Those same two found fertile ground, however, in discussing tax breaks for the investment small growth companies make in human resources.

Kemp arrived late at the meeting (through no fault of his own -- a hot school-prayer debate was underway on the floor of the House) and was not heard on all points, but nobody else voiced the strong opinion that the Reagan-Mondale choice was an historic one for the owners of small companies -- particularly the fast-growth companies that are defining the American economy of the '80s. There was, if anything, a tone of quiet resignation to the vocal support of each participant's respective standard-bearer.

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